Our Nigeria – A flashback in History

Our Nigeria – A flashback in History

My beloved country is the culmination of decades of conflicts, conquests, and negotiations, resulting in one of the most intricate territories in the world. Nigeria embodies a vital union of ancient civilizations, nations, kingdoms, and societies that predate its modern statehood. The entities that now form this West African nation have engaged in trade and warfare for centuries, their rich histories intertwined long before colonial narratives emerged. The existing documentation on these relationships hardly captures their profound significance. For instance, my ancestors from the East of the Niger traded across the mighty river long before a colonialist arrogantly claimed its discovery and bestowed upon it the name we know today.

The more one delves into Nigeria’s intricate, often contentious, and turbulent history—fraught with episodes of ruthless brutality—the more one comprehends the rationale behind its exclusion from the Nigerian school curriculum from 1982 to 2018. I have meticulously studied accounts from pivotal historical figures, some of whom are still with us today, and while these narratives frequently contradict each other, I endeavour to present a balanced perspective of my findings. Despite the complexities inherent in our history, it remains indelibly etched in the collective memory of many Nigerians and should not be relegated to the realm of forbidden discourse. Indeed, many of the world’s most prosperous and developed nations have their own skeletons in the closet upon which their foundations were built; our colonisers included.
.

1960 – 1966

The British did not hand over a flawless country by any means. The divisions within the country, particularly among regions, were evident from the very beginning. Numerous groups yearned for nationhood. There was significant ethnic rivalry among the major ethnic groups—the Fulani, the Igbos, and the Yorubas. In the North, minority groups led by the Tivs sought a separate identity and more independence from the Hausa/Fulani-dominated North, leading to the Tiv riots from 1960 to 1964. Electoral malpractices in the Yoruba-dominated Western part of the country led to a breakdown of law and order, resulting in the imprisonment of notable figures like Chief Obafemi Awolowo. It is crucial to note that the military was often called upon to quell these and other crises in the country which marked their first involvement in politics much to the disapproval of some members of the Army who felt that the military was being abused by politicians as weapons against their foes.

On the 15th of January 1966, young officers of the Nigerian Army, most of whom had been educated abroad and lacked an in-depth understanding of their heritage, attempted to address the young nation’s problems through a “military intervention.” This egotistical endeavour failed but ultimately resulted in the deaths of prominent politicians and high-ranking officers in the Army. The mutineers, sometimes in the presence of their families, shot their superior officers with whom they were familiar. The fact that a significant number of the mutineers were from the Eastern region, and that no prominent Eastern politician was killed during this period, only exacerbated the existing ethnic tensions within the fractured Army and the nation at large. It further compounded issues that an Igbo officer, Aguiyi Ironsi, became Head of State and did not prosecute the coup plotters. In fact, word spread that the officers were being paid their full salaries while in prison, fuelling further discontent. A major accusation from the vast Northern region was that the coup had wiped out their best sons in politics and in the Army.

Nigeria’s fault lines in 1966 were glaring, with the nation plagued by rampant ethnic tensions and fervent tribalism. In the heart of the North’s commercial hub, home to the assassinated premier, whispers of discord grew louder as individuals, allegedly from the East, circulated incendiary cartoons of the January 1966 events, as though mocking the Northern populace. The atmosphere was electric with anticipation, as rumors of a revenge coup simmered within the military, threatening to ignite the already volatile situation.

Before that, however, the quest for nationhood among the minority tribes continued unabated. On February 23, 1966, Isaac Adaka Boro and his Niger Delta Volunteer Force boldly declared the Niger Delta region, comprising parts of today’s South-South states, an independent republic. The rebellion was swiftly quashed in 12 days by Eastern-origin officers dispatched by Ironsi and Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu, led by Major John Obienu. Boro was subsequently jailed.

The Army, divided along ethnic lines, simmered with Northern officers plotting revenge. This tension culminated not in a premeditated coup, but in a reactionary bloodbath triggered by fears of another Igbo-led takeover. In a tragic misunderstanding, a gathering at an officers’ mess was misinterpreted as a secret Igbo meeting. Fueled by the events of January, suspicion ran high. Northern officers stormed the mess, and in the ensuing chaos, Major John Obienu and others were killed.

What followed was a revenge coup that plunged the nation into further bloodshed. Numerous Armed Forces members, particularly of Eastern extraction or those mistaken for Easterners, were slaughtered. The Head of State, Ironsi, and his host, Fajuyi, were murdered in Ibadan, creating a power vacuum. The violence spilled into the streets, leading to civilian casualties and mass migrations as people fled to their regions of origin.

Despite the bloody upheaval, the coup led to a change in government but failed to gain control over the Eastern region, then headquartered in Enugu. The military governor of the Eastern region, Odumegwu Ojukwu, refused to recognize the new government led by Yakubu Gowon, arguing that Gowon, who had been Ironsi’s Army Chief, was not the most senior military officer in the Army. This refusal to acknowledge Gowon’s authority further complicated the already dire situation, setting the stage for even greater conflict.

Gowon released and pardoned Boro after taking over government. Adding to the tension, Gowon reneged on previous agreements and created new states, including two carved from the Eastern region—a masterstroke welcomed by the minority groups in the East, who inhabited the southernmost coastline, but vehemently rejected by the Igbos. This decision sowed further discord, eventually spiraling into a full-blown war that raged for thirty months.

Intriguingly, Boro fought and died on the Federal side. T. The Nigerian Civil War, the bloodiest conflict in the nation’s history, is estimated to have claimed around three million lives. Personally, I lost relatives both civilian and conscripted fighters in this war whom I never got to meet as a consequence

Reflecting on the memoirs and interviews of major players, a consensus emerges: the war was unnecessary and could have been avoided. It stands as a poignant lesson in history, one worth learning from to prevent future conflicts a sentiment most recently shared by Nobel Laureate and celebrated Nigerian playright, Wole Soyinka who was imprisoned for his efforts to speak with Ojukwu in hopes of preventing war.

The civil war ended on January 15, 1970.

1970 – 1999

The military victors of Nigeria’s civil war, as well as the successful coupists of July 1966, went on to play major roles in shaping the new nation. Some ascended to power and ruled the country, while others met grim fates in subsequent coups and attempted coups. Many were executed on accusations of plotting or died in prison after being jailed. A few faded into obscurity, living out quiet lives. This turbulent period from 1970 to 1999 was far from peaceful. Comrades who had fought side by side in the Eastern trenches turned on each other, culminating in a dramatic climax in 1998 with the sudden death of Military Head of State, Sani Abacha. This created another power vacuum, further complicated by the death of Moshood Abiola, the acclaimed winner of the June 12, 1993 elections, while in “protective custody.” Gen. Shehu Yar’adua a retired soldier turned politician also met his end while in Abacha’s detention.

The Abacha regime is often considered the most repressive in Nigeria’s history. However, democracy was restored in 1999 when former General Olusegun Obasanjo became the civilian president. Recognizing Nigeria’s tempestuous history and widespread grievances, Obasanjo established a fact-finding human rights commission, famously known as the Oputa Panel, after its head, the esteemed Hon. Justice Chukwudifu Oputa. The panel conducted thorough investigations, and its report was submitted to the President. The consensus at the time was to let bygones be bygones and focus on nation-building.

Today, on Democracy Day, we celebrate 25 years of uninterrupted democracy. While Nigeria is not yet where it should be, we have made remarkable strides in recovering from our past tribulations. Few nations could have progressed as far towards true nationhood in such a short time. I advocate for continued discussions about our history to ensure we do not repeat the mistakes of the past.

Long live Nigeria!